Air and Space Power Journal-Africa and Francophonie, Maxwell AFB, AL
/ Published March 01, 2014
Rémy M. Mauduit
After African independences, new political authorities made the army the ultimate symbol of sovereignty - as a means of ensuring defense and territorial integrity as well as a foundation for nation building. Soon, however, this military institution went astray and vitiated the process of building a state of law, stifling in various countries all forms of political, social, and economic service to the people. Drifting away from its traditional mission of preserving the sovereignty and integrity of the territory, the army insidiously imposed itself as an instrument of power.
Edward Webb, PhD
This article is a preliminary attempt to situate Ennahda's economic philosophy within a broader universe of Islamic or Islamist thought on economic issues. It also makes a tentative projection about a likely limitation on economic policy if Ennahda finds itself in power after the current transitional period.The basis for this projection is the track record of the employers’ association MÜSIAD and the labor union Hak-Is in Turkey, whose core ideology appears consonant with that of Ennahda.
Temisanren Ebijuwa, PhD
Any contemporary discourse in Africa that undermines the postcolonial dimension in the explication of its experiences will run against that continent's historiography. Postcolonial experiences here concern the activities of interrelated periods that, in concert, determine and shape the future and destiny of the African people, both within the continent and in the diaspora. The periods identified in this article include the precolonial, colonial, and postcolonial. Any discussion of the African condition without due recognition of the interrelated activities of these periods will obviously be wrongheaded.
Maj David J. Blair, USAF
Capt Nick Helms, USAF
For all the ink spilled over remotely piloted aircraft (RPA) technology, knowledge of RPA culture remains in its infancy. Continuing the debate about culture, we argue first for the urgency of achieving manned-remote fusion in air warfare. Second, we maintain that the limiting factor in realizing that future is not technological but cultural. That is, until the RPA community finds its voice and place in the larger service, this evolution of airpower remains unlikely. The task at hand does not call for reinventing airpower but rediscovering it.
Lt Col Arnaud Gary, French Air Force
From the stillborn European defense community in 1950 to the Common Foreign and Security Policy, France has held a leadership position in the construction of the European defense structure since its creation. This leadership role stood in contrast to the perceived position of France vis-a-vis the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), essentially after Gen Charles de Gaulle decided to withdraw France from the NATO command structure in 1966, an action that the United States always perceived as a challenge to its supremacy. Prior to President Nicolas Sarkozy's decision to completely reintegrate France into NATO in March 2009, France had always had a specific role both within and outside the NATO command structure and in European defense.
With the ousting of Egyptian president Mohamed Morsi on 3 July 2013, the events that led to President Hosni Mubarak's resignation two years earlier seemed to recur. Resting upon very different political backgrounds, the two presidents had faced similar adversaries prior to their fall: both a growing popular movement on the streets and the military leadership that would eventually side with the opposition. Policy makers, scholars, and media alike have critically discussed the latter's role during the removal of the two presidents. In particular, Gen Abdul Fattah al-Sisi, commander in chief of the Egyptian armed forces and Egypt's de facto current leader, has given reason for distrust for two reasons.
Barah Mikaïl, PhD
Sectarianism has experienced a boost in the aftermath of popular uprisings in the Arab world. Recent sectarian strife following the fall of Arab authoritarian leaders has been provoked by ideological rifts between Islamists and secularists and between conservatives and liberals, as well as by religious divisions between Sunnis and Shias, Muslims and Christians. However, the rise of sectarian strife in the aftermath of the 2011 uprisings has also been stoked by geopolitical strategies as power vacuums create opportunities for political ambitions and agendas.
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