Deterrence exists across multiple levels of society, and indeed is part of what regulates various aspects of social behavior. Within the national security context, the concept of deterrence has historically helped inform strategic decisions related to planning, investment, and policy. As the global environment has evolved, the concept of integrated deterrence—which is at the center of the 2022 National Defense Strategy and entails working seamlessly across warfighting domains, theaters, the spectrum of conflict, other instruments of national power, and networks of alliances and partnerships—has become a more holistic way of considering the dynamic relationship across complex sociopolitical domains.
This topic focuses on predictive models of deterrence and/or escalation management strategies. It assumes nuance in how deterrence may be comparatively and cross-culturally understood, and preference will be given to proposals that empirically test such models. We are especially interested in projects that develop and implement innovative causal identification strategies or leverage new measures or data and explicitly address the generalizability of findings and the extent to which similar deterrence logics are applicable across contexts and scale. It is assumed multidisciplinary approaches will be required to advance new understandings of deterrence and the varied sociocultural, economic, and political relationships it influences.
Tailored Deterrence:
• Deterrence is predicated on holding valued objects at risk. What do leaders—national or within ruling coalitions—value and how does this vary across political systems? How does this vary across micro-, meso-, and macro-levels? Are these “valued objects” conditional? How do policy tools influence these objects at risk?
• How do variations in U.S. competitor decision-making processes (e.g., the People’s Republic of China, Russia) influence the likelihood that specific U.S. actions will deter or provoke? With these variations, how and where do competitors make decisions about potential responses across the competition continuum?
• Recent deterrence efforts have attempted to influence the national leader(s) by holding at risk something valuable to elites, sometimes individuals, in the belief that deterrence can work indirectly. What are the dynamics of intra-elite relations and their influence on the national government?
• How can competitors’ public communications be used to understand (or misunderstand) their decision-making processes and the likelihood of deterrence success? In addition to public documents, to what extent might other actions or activities convey information about their decision-making processes?
• What signaling mechanisms are most effective at deterring and in what contexts does this change?
• How do competitors perceive military and non-military deterrent signals differently? How stable are such perceptions (i.e., can they change rapidly and unexpectedly)? Given the lack of complete information, (historically) to what extent have foreign observers been able to accurately understand competitor perceptions and changes in those perceptions?
• What are reliable empirical measures for whether deterrence is being sustained, strengthening, weakening, or at risk of failing? What are the best measures for (adversary) decision-making? Do gain/loss asymmetry, decision making under uncertainty, or other models of economic actors affect the generalizability of deterrence models?
Whole-of-Government Approaches to Deterrence:
• Can military and non-military (diplomatic, informational, economic, or other activities) instruments of power be used in whole or in part to produce effective deterrence? If so, does the use of military and/or non-military instruments of deterrence differ in impact, and how do the effects of one interact with the other? Do the dynamics change when one side has many options with which to deter while its competitor has few or one, e.g. force alone?
• Can historical lessons on successes and failures of coordination between diplomatic and military strategies inform the development of future deterrence strategies? If so, how, and what are the limits of reference class forecasting to understanding contemporary challenges?
• How can whole-of-government approaches best be leveraged to de-escalate tensions while defending important interests? How do such efforts differ across political, social, and economic systems?
State System and Deterrence:
• How do multi-party and multi-level conflicts affect deterrence? How do the different roles—belligerent, audience, bystander, mediator, etc.—assumed by the powers affect deterrence?
• What approaches can governments take to deter multiple adversaries at once? How do steps taken to deter one adversary impact deterrence of another adversary? How often do signals intended for one adversary impact the decision calculus of another (adversary, ally, or partner)? How does attempting to deter multiple adversaries affect the choice of means, strategies, and ends by the deterring power?
• To what extent is value-based messaging or value-based deterrent actions effective across heterogeneous values systems?
Technology and Deterrence:
• How does technology (current and emerging) impact deterrence dynamics? Do emerging technologies pose novel risks and, if so, are new approaches to deterrence necessary to address them?
• How does revealing or concealing capabilities in different technological and strategic contexts influence deterrence outcomes?
• How and to what extent can strengths in some domains offset weaknesses in others?
- Acres, Maj. Bryce D., "'Strategic Narratives for Sentinel:' How Minutemen and Peacekeeper Narratives Can Influence Force Design," SAASS thesis, 2024, 87 pgs.
- Bueker, Lt. Col. Charles, "Key Measures of Integrated Deterrence," AF Fellows paper (Project on Managing the Atom, Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University), 2024, 4 pgs.
- Donoho, Rachel, "U.S. Nuclear Energy as an Instrument of National Power," SAASS thesis, 2025, 121 pgs.
- Donoho answers this by demonstrating how the civilian and military applications of nuclear energy technology collectively serve as both soft and hard instruments of national power to produce effective deterrence. On the military (hard power) side, she highlights how the U.S. Navy's nuclear-powered fleet provides the raw power projection and global reach necessary for direct force, deterrence, and coercion. On the non-military (soft power and economic) side, she argues that the U.S. commercial nuclear energy sector provides domestic energy security, firm baseload power for critical infrastructure, and an avenue for diplomatic embeddedness. By establishing multilateral partnerships to supply allies with peaceful nuclear energy, the U.S. can exert soft power influence, build cooperative relationships, and deter adversaries from weaponizing global energy supply chains.
- Glowacki, Steve, "Self-Defense Policy and Strategy: The United States, Israel and Article 51 from 1945 to 1986," SAASS thesis, 2025, 115 pgs.
- Glowacki provides insights into this by detailing how the US successfully utilized a whole-of-government approach—combining military posturing with meticulous legal and diplomatic strategy—to achieve deterrence during the Cuban Missile Crisis. As the crisis escalated, the Departments of Justice, State, and Defense vigorously debated the legal mechanisms for responding to Soviet missile placements. State Department legal advisors Abram Chayes and Leonard Meeker successfully championed the use of diplomatic instruments, securing a quarantine authorized by the Organization of American States (OAS) under the Rio Treaty rather than relying on unilateral military action or a narrow interpretation of Article 51. Glowacki asserts that this coordinated legal and diplomatic maneuvering granted the Kennedy administration the necessary decision space to deter Soviet aggression, demonstrating how non-military instruments can legitimize actions and avoid catastrophic military escalation.
- Halvorson, Maj. Christopher G., "The Future of Arms Control with China," ACSC paper (SANDS), 2024, 49 pgs.
- Hayward III, Lt. Col. James Daniel, "'Changing an Adversary's Behavior': A Taxonomy for the Human Domain of Warfare," SAASS thesis, 2021, 87 pgs.
- Haegele, Lt. Col. Eric, "That's What XI Said: China's Strategic Signaling to the West," AWC SSP, 2025, 35 pgs.
- Higgins, Jenna E., "The Missing Instrument: Information Power in Australia's Strategy of Denial," SAASS thesis, 2025, 99 pgs.
- Higgins answers this by asserting that military deterrence must be seamlessly integrated with the non-military instrument of information power to be credible and effective without causing regional destabilization. She argues that while Australia is modernizing its military capabilities for a strategy of "deterrence by denial"—such as acquiring long-range strike capabilities through AUKUS—this heavily defense-centric approach risks militarizing the nation's image and alienating Indo-Pacific partners. To mitigate this, Higgins demonstrates that a whole-of-government approach utilizing strategic narratives, diplomatic reassurance, and robust regional engagement bridges the gap between hard and soft power, ensuring that military deterrence is viewed as a stabilizing force rather than an aggressive threat.
- Ingerslew, Margaret L., "Of Wolves and Sheep: Learning from Deterrence Failures in the 1930s," SAASS thesis, 2022, 73 pgs.
- Isom, Joshua M., "2022 Russian Ukrainian War: Analysis Using Three Deterrence Models," SAASS thesis, 2025, 77 pgs.
- Isom answers this by empirically testing three distinct predictive deterrence models—developed by Lt. Col. Debra Rose, Alexander George and Richard Smoke, and Paul Huth and Bruce Russett—against the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine. He concludes that George and Smoke’s model is the most effective for evaluating adversary decision-making because it forces strategists to assess subjective conditions, such as the attacker's view of manageable risk and defender commitment. To complement this, Isom notes that Rose’s proactive model provides real-time, empirical indicators—like military posturing and political rhetoric—to monitor if a deterrence strategy is actively failing. Furthermore, he identifies Huth and Russett’s model as offering objective, quantitative measures, such as trade percentages, arms transfers, and local military balances, to reliably calculate the statistical probability of deterrence success.
- McGinnis-Welsh, Maj. Daniel, "Disentangling from Nuclear Superiority-Brinkmanship Theory: Combating a Legacy of Bootstrapping toward Armageddon," originally work done at ACSC, subsequently published in The Journal of Indo-Pacific Affairs (May 8, 2024).
- Mueller, Brian C., "Prelude to War or Competition? The Strategic Implications of Deterrence through Peacetime Airpower Projection," SAASS thesis, 2024, 112 pgs.
- Rice, Maj. Dennis M., "Deterrence and Space Strategy: A Framework from the Study of History and Theory," published as an AU Press Schriever Paper (2023)
- Soesanto, Stefan, "Cyber Deterrence Revisited," Published as an AU Press Perspectives on Cyber Paper, 2022, 49 pgs.
- Thompson, Fleming R., "Strategic Air Command in Vietnam: The Opportunity Costs of Warfighting and Deterrence," SAASS thesis, 2023, 84 pgs.
- Wills, Lt. Col. Jeffrey, "Failed Deterrence through Mistaken Messaging & Intent-Consequence Divergence," AF Fellows opinion piece, 2025, 3 pgs.